How the Pentagon Got Inside ISIS’ Chemical Weapons Operation—and Ended It

The commanding officer, a Peshmerga colonel named Sabri, cautiously inspected the particles with a number of of his aides. The lads found that the steel tanks in the truck’s rear had blown away from the automobile when it exploded and landed haphazardly in the dust. A few of the containers had been leaking the identical pale-green smoke the males had seen earlier. Throughout the leaking tanks the soil and grass bore a yellow coating, as if somebody had spilled a jar of watery paint. Just a few males who ventured near the broken tanks detected a pungent odor and instantly fell unwell.

Sabri might supply his males no safety aside from surgical masks, which had been ineffective, so he moved everybody again and radioed for assist. Quickly afterward, different Kurds arrived carrying respirators and sampling kits, the latter getting used to scoop up a number of grams of contaminated soil from round the leaking tanks. Weeks handed earlier than the colonel realized exactly what had occurred on that late January afternoon. ISIS had tried to interrupt his line via a chemical bomb: a suicide truck loaded with 20 canisters of lethal chlorine gasoline.

The assault close to the crossroads village of Kesik Kupri represented the first recognized try by the newly resurgent ISIS to make use of a chemical weapon in fight. It was a modest effort, inflicting no severe casualties and barely drawing discover exterior northern Iraq. However its leaders had signaled their intentions to the Kurds, and to the world.


ISIS was formally in the enterprise of utilizing chemical weapons. And the United States, watching from afar, was simply beginning to consider the way it ought to, and even might, reply.


From exterior Iraq, it was laborious to know what to make of stories of those apparently remoted incidents of chemical weapons. Was it actually potential that the Islamic State was utilizing poison gasoline on the battlefield? No military had used chemical compounds in opposition to troop formations since the Iran-Iraq Struggle in the Nineteen Eighties. No militia or terrorist group had performed so, ever. Even when the accounts had been true, the place had the chemical compounds come from, and the way did ISIS handle to get them?

The Kurds couldn’t say. Acquiring chlorine was no drawback, as the industrial chemical may very well be present in Iraqi factories the terrorists now managed. However what about sulfur mustard? Had the terrorists stumbled upon deserted munitions from Saddam Hussein’s time? Had they managed to steal one thing from Syria’s stockpile of poisons?

Some solutions started to emerge in the following months, as delegations from the Group for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) arrived in Baghdad to research the reported assaults on Kurdish forces at the Iraqi authorities’s request. The investigators swabbed yellow residue from recovered mortar fragments and examined the greasy soil in the spots the place the projectiles had landed. They interviewed Kurdish troopers and examined the ugly scars left behind wherever the foul-smelling liquid had touched human pores and skin. They examined one soldier whose legs had been completely coated with chemical burns, from his waist to the crisp line at mid-calf the place his military boots had supplied some safety.

The lab assessments and interviews yielded a affirmation, and likewise a shock. The oily liquid in the mortar shells was sulfur mustard, little doubt, nevertheless it differed from the sorts of military-grade blister brokers the OPCW’s specialists had been accustomed to. Its system was comparatively easy, even crude. It lacked enhancers and stabilizers that army weaponeers usually use, which meant that it tended to interrupt down extra shortly when uncovered to the atmosphere. It was neither Syrian nor Iraqi, judging from its chemical composition, but it clearly had been made by somebody with entry to trendy laboratory gear, a working data of poisonous weapons, and a grasp of primary chemistry.

All the indicators pointed in the identical alarming path. Someplace in Iraq or Syria, ISIS was manufacturing its personal chemical weapons. The terrorists had not but mastered all the parts. However they had been studying. And the U.S. authorities was on their tail.


Suleiman al-Afari awoke on the morning of February 8, 2016, with an unusually lengthy to-do checklist, which put the 49-year-old ISIS weapons-maker in a peevish temper. As a scientist and lifelong bureaucrat, he preferred maintaining a routine, even in wartime, however on this morning there have been errands and obligations that may preserve him on the highway and out of the workplace for half the day. His mom was unwell, which meant an hour’s drive to her village to go to together with her, and maybe to attempt to negotiate medical care with the jihadists who now ran the native hospital. He additionally needed to drop his spouse off at work, choose up truffles and navigate a gantlet of checkpoints that clotted the highways throughout Mosul, Iraq, forcing motorists to attend in strains whereas bearded militiamen peered suspiciously inside their automobiles. As a last chore, he needed to cease at an industrial provide warehouse to load up his automotive with jugs of liquid cleaning soap.

For the peculiar sort of manufacturing unit he ran, cleaning soap is taken into account important security gear. His employees made sulfur mustard for the Islamic State’s artillery rockets and bombs, and in case of a spill, the lye in the cleaning soap might assist neutralize the chemical toxins and reduce the variety of extreme burns and disfiguring scars.

In his former life, Afari by no means dreamed of getting such a job, and he definitely by no means requested for it. In that fateful summer season of 2014 when ISIS took over his metropolis, he had labored as a geologist and midlevel functionary in the Mosul workplace of Iraq’s Ministry of Business and Minerals.

He was a household man, gregarious and gray-haired, who had spent his total life in Mosul and had chosen to not flee, as hundreds of his neighbors did, when an Islamic State military swept via the metropolis, defeating an Iraqi troop garrison that was at the very least 15 occasions bigger.


When the males from Islamic State demanded that he assist them make chemical weapons, Afari was reluctant to refuse. Thus Afari the geologist grew to become Afari the chemical weaponeer.

On February 8, when he was out in search of cleaning soap, 4 helicopters descended on him.

He was nonetheless attempting to make sense of it when he felt one thing hit the automotive. There was a loud bang, then a sequence of pops as bullets hit the aspect panels and hood. A searing ache shot via his left leg, and he felt the automotive veer sharply as one in all its tires blew. Afari pulled off the highway and lower the engine, and with uplifted palms he climbed out of the automotive and right into a whirl of sand and rotor wash. An enormous canine immediately appeared from nowhere and seized him by the arm.

“I wasn’t afraid that they’d kill me,” Afari stated afterward of the lunging canine and its handler, an American commando in physique armor who grabbed his different arm to cuff him as he lay on the floor. “I by no means noticed myself as an essential determine. Anyway, at the second, I used to be busy with the canine.”

One other soldier shoved an image—an ID picture—in Afari’s face and requested in English if he was the man in the {photograph}.

“That you simply?”

“Sure,” Afari replied.

Then a material bag was slipped over his head and the world went darkish.


When the blindfold was eliminated a few half-hour later, he was surrounded by U.S. and Kurdish troopers at an Iraqi detention camp, many miles away. It was day one in Afari’s yearslong ordeal in jail, and a breakthrough day for the U.S. and Kurdish forces that had simply netted one in all the most essential ISIS weapons-makers ever to be captured alive. It took only some hours for Afari to totally grasp his decisions, after which the phrases began to circulation. The Iraqis in the end would search the dying penalty for the ISIS weaponeer, however with a keep of execution so long as he cooperated. So he cooperated.

The image he painted over the following weeks was of a weapons program that was without delay formidable and amateurish; one which was typically mismanaged and disorganized, however malevolent in its intention. The group’s propaganda machine had by no means uttered a phrase about chemical weapons, however starting in the fall of 2014, the United States realized, ISIS had been working diligently to make them.

The interrogations befell in Iraq, inside the fortresslike headquarters of the Kurdistan Regional Authorities’s Counterterrorism Division. Afari, sipping tea and carrying prison-issued sweat garments and sandals, recounted in matter-of-fact element the terrorist group’s makes an attempt to make mustard gasoline, a part of what he described as a broader effort to create novel weapons and supply techniques to defend the caliphate and terrorize its opponents.

Over a number of weeks the interrogation of Afari yielded a trove of treasured particulars, together with particular areas of chemical services and the names of the scientists and functionaries who ran them. Every day’s summaries had been transmitted to analysts at the CIA and the Pentagon, after which again throughout the Atlantic to the Baghdad operations room from which Lieutenant Basic Sean MacFarland, chief of army forces in the anti-ISIS coalition, managed the warfare.

MacFarland learn the stories fastidiously. The CIA and the Protection Division had been now working to disrupt the Islamic State’s weapons program, they usually already had achieved a vital success: the killing of Abu Malik, Afari’s ISIS boss. Alarmed by the engineer’s speak about gassing Western cities, the Pentagon quietly dispatched special-forces groups into Iraq to seek out him, after which ordered an airstrike that obliterated his Mosul workplace. Abu Malik was lifeless, however as Afari’s confessions revealed, ISIS had not given up. Newcomers, together with international scientists, had been tapped to meet Abu Malik’s horrible imaginative and prescient. MacFarland parsed the newest intelligence in day by day convention calls with different Pentagon officers who individually arrived at the identical grim conclusion: Given sufficient time, the ISIS weaponeers would ultimately succeed.

“We started to acknowledge that ISIS was pulling in not simply fighters however individuals with distinctive expertise: technical expertise, scientific expertise, monetary expertise,” stated Basic Joseph Votel, the Pentagon’s special-operations chief at the time and an everyday participant in the discussions. “That gave us pause. All of us witnessed the horrific issues they had been doing. You needed to make the presumption that in the event that they acquired their palms on a chemical weapon, they’d use it.”

By early 2016, underneath strain from the U.S.-led army marketing campaign, the caliphate’s troopers had been retreating in all places, however the chemical risk appeared ever extra important. The concern amongst each American and Iraqi commanders was {that a} collapsing ISIS would attempt to avenge its losses by unleashing its chemical weapons, both on the battlefield or in terrorist assaults in Western cities, delivered maybe by one in all the scores of small drones the militants had gone to nice effort to accumulate. “They had been hoping for some sort of a surprise weapon,” MacFarland stated later, “one which may save the caliphate.”

MacFarland confronted monumental strain to behave. In Washington, President Barack Obama’s nationwide safety advisers now had been effectively conscious of how a poison-gas weapon might rework the terror marketing campaign that ISIS had already unleashed in European cities. Even a comparatively minor assault in New York or Los Angeles would generate such an outcry that the White Home could be compelled to increase the warfare and ship one other era of U.S. floor forces into battle in Iraq and maybe Syria. In Baghdad, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi’s authorities was equally anxious. Iraq’s frontline troops already had been jittery about the chance of chemical assaults, a lot in order that senior commanders anxious about the impact on morale. In MacFarland’s visits with Iraqi counterparts, the topic virtually at all times got here up. The older officers had seen the results of sarin and mustard gasoline throughout the Iran- Iraq Struggle, and the reminiscence was seared into their brains.

“They’d speak about it, and the Iraqi press would make a giant deal about it,” MacFarland stated. “All of them knew how horrible it may be.”

Taking out the group’s functionality wouldn’t be simple. The weapons services described by Afari weren’t hidden away on army bases or in underground bunkers, as they’d been in Syria. An important ones had been in cities, inside calmly protected civilian services in the center of residential neighborhoods. The Islamists had hidden a large manufacturing heart inside a wing of a civilian hospital in Hit, a metropolis of 60,000 individuals. One other was on the grounds of Mosul College, in the coronary heart of Iraq’s second most populous metropolis. Any airstrike in opposition to websites reminiscent of these carried a danger of releasing clouds of harmful chemical compounds that might drift via properties, faculties and playgrounds. If civilians had been killed, the U.S. army and its companions could be blamed.

However MacFarland was out of time. Ready for Iraqi troops to recapture the websites would imply a delay of many weeks, maybe months. ISIS would certainly use the time to construct extra weapons, or higher ones. Or it’d merely transfer its factories someplace else.

A strike package deal was fastidiously assembled, with particular sorts of bombs chosen for the uncommon mission. Starting in March, simply over a month after Afari’s arrest, MacFarland’s staff was able to act.


The spring’s rolling airstrikes started with out fanfare and gained little discover in U.S. newspapers. The primary goal was the Iraqi metropolis of Hit, the place a whole bunch of presidency troops and tribal militiamen already had been ready on the outskirts to liberate the city from its ISIS occupiers. U.S. warplanes swooped in on March 25, 2016, to assault strategic targets round the metropolis forward of the floor assault, and over the subsequent 5 days, the Individuals struck 17 websites, one in all which was blandly listed by the Pentagon as an “improvised weapons facility.” On April 12, Iraqi forces fought their manner into central Hit, capturing the hospital and its now-ruined chemical lab.

Subsequent on the checklist was Mosul. The Islamic State’s Iraqi capital was, even in wartime, a densely populated metropolis of greater than one million individuals, and the terrorists had positioned their most essential laboratories at Mosul College, on the east financial institution of the Tigris River and smack in the center of city. Conscious of the excessive danger of civilian casualties, the mission’s planners chosen particular incendiary bombs designed to generate a small blast radius however intense warmth, to vaporize weapons, provides and any residual gases which may in any other case escape. Then they waited for situations to be excellent. The time of day, the wind’s pace and path, the humidity degree—any one in all these may very well be the margin between a clear strike and a calamity for an harmless Iraqi household.

The strikes occurred sporadically as situations allowed and new targets emerged, starting in late spring and persevering with via fall. The largest strike, on September 13, concerned a dozen U.S. plane and greater than 50 bombs and missiles that tore aside a big manufacturing complicated for prescription drugs on Mosul’s outskirts.

Then it was over. By late 2016, U.S. army commanders had been confidently asserting that the Islamic State’s industrial capability for making chemical weapons had been eradicated. On January 14, 2017, six days earlier than the finish of the Obama presidency, Iraqi troops captured Mosul College, the coronary heart of japanese Mosul and the epicenter of the Islamic State’s chemical weapons program.

The influence of the Pentagon’s bombing marketing campaign was direct and measurable. Researchers in the end would attribute greater than 70 poison-gas assaults to ISIS forces in Iraq and Syria. After the liberation of japanese Mosul, the variety of incidents dropped to zero.

But in the evaluation of MacFarland and the different generals behind the bombing marketing campaign, there was little doubt about the risk that remained. A number of key ISIS figures had been recognized to have escaped to Syria, together with a French nationwide named Joe Asperman, one in all the Europeans recruited by ISIS for his scientific experience. The caliphate’s leaders had been so protecting of Asperman and his initiatives that they issued a press release falsely claiming that the Frenchman had been “martyred.” Now dispersed throughout the Center East and maybe past, Asperman and different operatives would merely be more durable to seek out.

“They’d all this functionality and technical data. The place did it go?” requested Votel, the former particular operations commander who would quickly grow to be CENTCOM chief. “We all know that a few of their individuals had been killed and others went house. However some should be on the market.”

Certainly, ISIS itself issued a uncommon warning {that a} chemical assault could be coming, at a time of its selecting. Months after Kurdish fighters overran the caliphate’s final enclaves in Syria in 2019, the group’s leaders issued an official pronouncement declaring a “new stage” in the group’s terror marketing campaign in opposition to its enemies, particularly Israelis. The message promised new techniques and weapons, and included, for the first time, an express name for the use of poison gasoline.

“O troopers of the caliphate in all places,” it stated, “under you’re the settlements and markets of the Jews. So make them a testing floor on your weapons: our chemical-bearing rockets.”

From the e-book RED LINE: The Unraveling of Syria and America’s Race to Destroy the Most Dangerous Arsenal in the World by Joby Warrick revealed by Doubleday, an imprint of The Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random Home LLC. Copyright © 2021 Joby Warrick.

Show More

Related Articles

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published.

Back to top button